skipToContent
🌐All policy

Netanyahu won't stop until all Arab political parties are gone

Middle East Eye Global
Netanyahu won't stop until all Arab political parties are gone
Netanyahu won't stop until all Arab political parties are gone Submitted by Abed Abou Shhadeh on Tue, 06/02/2026 - 20:21 As parliamentary elections loom, the Israeli leader is ramping up efforts to delegitimise Palestinian candidates Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu casts his ballot at a polling station in Jerusalem during legislative elections on 1 November 2022 (Ronaldo Schemidt/AFP) On More than two decades ago, Benjamin Netanyahu, then Israel ’s finance minister, told the Herzliya security conference that the primary demographic threat facing the country did not arise from the Palestinians living in the occupied West Bank and Gaza, but rather from “the Israeli Arabs” in 1948 territories. Today, after the dissolution of the Knesset and with fresh elections looming, this alleged threat continues to shape Netanyahu’s actions as prime minister. With negotiations underway among Arab parties to run on a joint ticket, he is reportedly moving to ban one of its prospective members - the United Arab List party and its chair, Mansour Abbas - from contesting the elections. The United Arab List, also known as Ra’am, is among the four main Arab parties that earlier this year pledged to revive the Joint List , an electoral alliance initially formed in 2015 to run on a shared platform representing Palestinian citizens of Israel. The push to bar Abbas comes as Israeli officials have reportedly been discussing a plan to designate the Islamic Movement’s southern branch, his party’s parent organisation, as a terrorist group. These developments are bizarre, given that the United Arab List was the first Arab party to enter an Israeli government, during the brief Naftali Bennett-Yair Lapid coalition in 2021-22. Arab parties in Israel had traditionally viewed the prospect of entering government with great scepticism; as a way of legitimising, or even participating in, the mechanisms of the occupation . Abbas was also the first Arab politician to publicly recognise Israel as a Jewish state . He reportedly negotiated with Netanyahu on a partnership between Likud and his own party, and last month, he expressed support for Arab citizens performing national civic service (although he later backtracked on the comments). This sequence of moves and statements - crossing what were once considered red lines - has turned the United Arab List into a highly controversial entity within the Israeli political sphere. Systematic erosion Well before the start of the genocide in Gaza , Israeli politics was gridlocked by Netanyahu’s dominance, the landscape fractured between his supporters and detractors. On one side stood the traditional right, represented by Likud, the ultra-Orthodox parties and the messianic settler right . On the opposing side was the “ anyone but Bibi ” camp, composed of other right-wing and centrist parties, such as Yisrael Beiteinu and Yesh Atid, who object to Netanyahu’s continued rule. This split among Zionist parties, with Netanyahu’s camp maintaining a majority, has given Arab parties the ability to take on the role of kingmaker . Now, with the anticipated return of the Joint List, analysts predict that Arab voter turnout will soar, effectively denying Netanyahu a governing majority. He knows that without Arab parties, he can likely secure not only the next election, but future governments to come The attempt to disqualify Abbas and his party cannot be understood in isolation from the historical context of Netanyahu’s systematic erosion of Palestinian political participation, both inside and outside the Knesset. When the Joint List was initially created more than a decade ago - following the Knesset’s decision to raise the electoral threshold , threatening the survival of smaller parties as independent factions - Arab voter turnout surged, prompting Netanyahu’s infamous remark about Palestinians “heading to the polling stations in droves”. He further claimed that “left-wing NGOs” were “bringing them in buses”. But just a few months later, after forming another government, Netanyahu moved to outlaw the northern branch of the Islamic Movement, which boycotts national elections for ideological and political reasons. The decision marginalised a movement representing the views of a significant component of Israel’s Palestinian citizens - one that managed a charity network, educational system and media outlets. Bypassing any democratic judicial process, the movement was banned overnight, its operations instantly halted. A year later, Israeli police raided the offices of the Arab Balad party , also known as the National Democratic Assembly, and arrested more than 20 of its members over allegations related to party fundraising. Projected strength An examination of the legislation passed by successive Netanyahu governments since 2009 reveals a continuous chain of laws designed to harm Arab citizens: from the “ Nakba Law ” banning commemorations of the 1948 Palestinian dispossession, to the 2018 nation-state law enshrining Jewish supremacy. After 7 October 2023, additional legislation was introduced to enable the deportation of families of Palestinians accused of carrying out attacks against Israelis. At the same time, Netanyahu understands the momentum created among Palestinian voters through the revival of the Joint List. This support does not necessarily stem from a belief in the electoral alliance as a vehicle for representation or proactive change, but rather from a standpoint of sheer survival. Recent polling indicates that 82 percent of Arab citizens of Israel support a unified ticket, with its projected strength ranging between 13 and 16 seats. This could position it as one of the strongest factions in the Knesset. Will 2026 open a new political horizon for Palestinians? Read More » While almost every election cycle sees an attempt to disqualify at least one Arab party - decisions that are subsequently overturned by Israel’s Supreme Court - Netanyahu’s current machinations are different, marking an attempt to exploit the tenuous security situation and collective anger of Jewish Israelis to forge a new political arena devoid of Arab parties. He knows that without Arab parties, he can likely secure not only the next election, but future governments to come. Already, Netanyahu has succeeded in delegitimising the participation of Arab parties in a coalition. His key rivals, Bennett and Lapid, now openly suggest that they have no intention of building a future coalition with Arab factions. This all points towards Israel’s trajectory in the coming years: alongside genocide in Gaza and ethnic cleansing in the occupied West Bank, we are witnessing the total delegitimisation of Palestinian citizens inside Israel. Just as Netanyahu and his partners actively target the Palestinian Authority - despite its ongoing security cooperation with Israel - they are now going after the United Arab List, despite all of the party’s ideological concessions, and its willingness to join coalitions and legitimise the occupation. For Netanyahu, none of this is enough. The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Eye. Israeli Elections Opinion Post Date Override 0 Update Date Mon, 05/04/2020 - 21:29 Update Date Override 0
Share
Original story
Continue reading at Middle East Eye
www.middleeasteye.net
Read full article

Summary generated from the RSS feed of Middle East Eye. All article rights belong to the original publisher. Click through to read the full piece on www.middleeasteye.net.