Liberia: EPA Boss Dr. Yarkpawolo Calls for Research Driven Transformation At University of Liberia
[FrontPageAfrica] Monrovia -- The Executive Director of the Environmental Protection Agency of Liberia (EPA), Dr. Emmanuel K. Urey Yarkpawolo, has called on the University of Liberia Faculty Association to champion a new era of mentorship, research, critical thinking, and institutional transformation at the University of Liberia.
11 May 2026
Full list: UNILAG, UI, UNN, ABU, others cut-off marks for 2026 admission
The Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board, JAMB, on Monday, released the minimum Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examination, UTME, cut-off marks approved by universities across Nigeria for the 2026 admission exercise. The cut-off marks were announced following the 2026 Policy Meeting on Admissions to Tertiary Institutions held in Abuja. According to the approved list, Pan-Atlantic University fixed the highest minimum cut-off mark at 220. Several institutions, including the University of Benin, University of Lagos, University of Ibadan, University of Nigeria, Covenant University, Air Force Institute of Technology, and Obafemi Awolowo University, adopted 200 as their minimum benchmark. JAMB stated that the approved figures represent the minimum thresholds for admission consideration. The Board noted that institutions may still set higher requirements for competitive courses such as medicine, engineering, pharmacy, and law. Below is the full list of universities and their approved minimum UTME scores for the 2026 admission exercise: Pan-Atlantic University – 220 Air Force Institute of Technology – 200 Covenant University – 220 Federal University of Medicine and Medical Sciences, Abeokuta – 200 Obafemi Awolowo University – 200 University of Benin – 200 University of Ibadan – 200 University of Lagos – 200 University of Nigeria, Nsukka – 200 Lagos State University of Science and Technology – 195 Lagos State University – 195 Lagos State University of Education – 185 Afe Babalola University – 180 Ahmadu Bello University – 180 Federal University of Health Sciences, Ila Orangun – 180 Nigeria Police Academy – 180 Nigerian University of Technology and Management – 180 Shanahan University – 180 University of Abuja (Yakubu Gowon University) – 180 University of Ilorin – 180 University of Jos – 170 Augustine University – 170 Babcock University – 170 Federal University of Applied Sciences, Kachia – 170 Federal University, Lafia – 170 Ladoke Akintola University of Technology – 170 Nasarawa State University – 170 BITS University, Bwari – 170 Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida University – 160 Abubakar Tafawa Balewa University – 160 Admiralty University of Nigeria – 160 African Aviation and Aerospace University – 160 Ajayi Crowther University – 160 Al-Hikmah University – 160 Bamidele Olumilua University – 160 Bayero University, Kano – 160 Bells University of Technology – 160 Caleb University – 160 Chrisland University – 160 Dominion University – 160 Emmanuel Alayande University of Education – 160 Federal University of Agriculture, Abeokuta – 160 Federal University of Education, Pankshin – 160 Federal University of Health Sciences, Otukpo – 160 Federal University of Technology and Environmental Sciences, Iyin Ekiti – 160 Federal University of Technology, Ikot-Abasi – 160 First Technical University – 160 Imo State University – 160 Isaac Balami University of Aeronautics and Management – 160 Karl Kumm University – 160 Kwara State University – 160 Landmark University – 160 Lead City University – 160 Modibbo Adama University – 160 Nnamdi Azikiwe University – 160 Olabisi Onabanjo University – 160 Osun State University – 160 Plateau State University – 160 Redeemer’s University – 160 Summit University – 160 Tai Solarin University of Education – 160 Taraba State College of Nursing and Midwifery – 160 University of Ilesa – 160 AbdulRasaq Abubakar Toyin University – 150 Adamawa State University – 150 Adeleke University – 150 African School of Economics, Abuja – 150 Full list: UNILAG, UI, UNN, ABU, others cut-off marks for 2026 admission
11 May 2026
UN expands Nairobi hub as Guterres pushes African representation
At the United Nations campus in Nairobi, officials broke ground on a $340 million expansion aimed at relocating more UN staff from New York and Geneva to Africa.
11 May 2026
Kemi Seba tells South African court he fears for his life if returned to Benin
Firebrand anti‑Western activist Kemi Seba, wanted in Benin over an alleged foiled coup plot, told a Pretoria court he risks being killed if deported, as he sought release on bail after his arrest for overstaying his South African visa. Please confirm details with a trusted news source.
11 May 2026
Mudavadi: Ruto atashinda kwa kura asilimia 70 mpaka iwe vigumu kupeleka kesi kortini
KINARA wa Mawaziri Musalia Mudavadi ameonyesha imani yake kuwa Rais William Ruto atashinda 2027 kwa zaidi ya asilimia 70. Akiongea kwenye mahojiano na kituo kimoja nchini Jumatatu, Mei 11, 2026, Mudavadi alisema wataendesha kampeni kali ambayo itahakikisha rais anashinda kwa kura nyingi kiasi kuwa upinzani hata utaaibika kuelekea kortini. Alisema pengo kubwa la ushindi litaonyesha kuwa umma una imani na utendakazi wa serikali ya Kenya Kwanza. Bw Mudavadi alisema kuwa kumekuwa na kesi za kupinga matokeo ya urais kwa sababu ya mwanya mdogo wa ushindi kati ya wawaniaji wakuu wa urais.
11 May 2026
Mbadi: Sikutoa ahadi hewa kuhusu ushuru wa PAYE, tutajumuisha kipengele baada ya maoni ya umma
11 May 2026
Want to Feed the World? Invest in Food Systems
As the global target to eliminate hunger by 2030 fast slips out of reach, investing in how the world feeds itself is the only way to avert a crisis. Investing in agrifood systems—from production and processing to distribution and consumption—is crucial to making the global agriculture sector more resilient to food security threats, said Mohamed […]
11 May 2026
Somali security forces open fire on protesters in Mogadishu, killing one
One person was killed and another injured on Sunday after Somali security forces opened fire to disperse an opposition‑led protest in Mogadishu, according to opposition figures and witnesses, deepening tensions just days before President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s term expires.
11 May 2026
LUGHA: Makosa ya kutotumia upatanisho sahihi wa kisarufi katika sentensi
TUNAPOTUNGA sentensi sharti tuzingatie upatanisho wa kisarufi ili sentensi ziwe sahihi. Upatanisho wa kisarufi katika sentensi hutokana na jinsi nomino huathiri vitenzi katika sentensi. Kila kundi la nomino huwa na viambishi vyake vya upatanisho wa kisarufi. Watu wengi wanaowasiliana kwa lugha ya Kiswahili hasa wanafunzi huzingatia upatanisho sahihi wa kisarufi wanapotunga sentensi, japo baadhi yao hukumbwa na changamoto. Utapata sentensi kama vile: * Nchi nyingi barani Afrika wanahimiza umoja na amani. * Vyombo vya habari wapeperusha taarifa kuhusu wahalifu waliokamatwa jana. * Jamii yetu wanazingatia maadili. Mifano hii ya sentensi imetumia viambishi vya upatanisho wa kisarufi visivyofaa. Kosa hilo hasa linatokana na kukosa kuzingatia kiambishi ngeli cha nomino iliyotumiwa kutunga sentensi. Katika sentensi ya kwanza, kiambishi wa- kimetumiwa kuwakilisha nomino nchi. Hili ni kosa kwani ingawa nchi zina watu ambao ndio wanahimiza umoja na amani, nomino iliyotumiwa kutunga sentensi ni nchi, kwa hivyo tunafaa kutumia kiwakilishi ngeli cha nomino nchi si nomino watu. Ili kusahihisha sentensi hizo tunafaa kusema: Nchi nyingi barani Afrika zinahimiza umoja na amani. Vyombo vya habari vipeperusha taarifa kuhusu wahalifu waliokamatwa na polisi jana. Jamii yetu inazingatia maadili. Mwanafunzi anayekumbwa na changamoto ya kutotumia viambishi sahihi vya upatanisho wa kisarufi katika sentensi, afanye mazoezi ya kutambua nomino katika ngeli mbalimbali. Atambue viambishi sahihi vya upatanisho wa kisarufi katika kila ngeli kisha atumie nomino katika ngeli mbalimbali kutunga sentensi zenye upatanisho sahihi wa kisarufi.
11 May 2026
Maziwa ya ngamia: Hadithi ya ‘dhahabu nyeupe’ ya mama Zamzam
KAUNTI ya Laikipia ikiwa miongoni mwa maeneo ambayo athari za tabianchi zinaendelea kutatiza mifumo ya jadi ya ufugaji, mabadiliko makubwa yanaibuka kimya kimya yakiongozwa na ngamia na wanawake. Kati ya wanaofanikisha mageuzi hayo ni kampuni ya White Gold Camel Milk Limited, biashara inayokua kwa kasi na kubadilisha maziwa ya ngamia kuwa chanzo cha mapato, lishe bora na uthabiti kwa jamii za wafugaji. Kampuni hiyo ilianzishwa na Zamzam Haji, ambaye huchakata na kuuza bidhaa za maziwa ya ngamia kwa wateja mbalimbali wanaoongezeka kila siku. Kutoka familia za mijini zinazotafuta njia mbadala yenye afya ya maziwa ya kawaida hadi watu wenye matatizo ya lactose, kisukari na wazee, bidhaa za White Gold Camel Milk zimeanza kujitokeza kwenye soko lenye ushindani mkuu nchini, la maziwa. Bidhaa zake ni pamoja na maziwa halisi ya ngamia, brandi ya vanilla na strawberry, pamoja na maziwa yaliyogandishwa yanayojulikana kama “susa” katika jamii za wafugaji – somali. Bidhaa hizo sasa zinapatikana katika baadhi ya maduka makubwa nchini huku kampuni hiyo pia ikitoa huduma kusambazia wateja bidhaa nyumbani. “Ni kampuni inayonufaisha zaidi wanawake, hasa wanawake kutoka jamii za wafugaji ambao kwa muda mrefu hawakuwa na masoko rasmi ya kuuza maziwa yao,” Zamzam anasema. [caption id="attachment_187951" align="aligncenter" width="300"] Zamzam Haji, mwanzilishi White Gold Camel Milk Limited Kaunti ya Laikipia. Picha|Sammy Waweru [/caption] Leo hii, wanawake wanawakilisha karibu asilimia 80 ya wasambazaji wa maziwa kwa kampuni hiyo. Wengi wao, Zamzam anasema maziwa ya ngamia si bidhaa tu ya matumizi nyumbani bali ni njia ya kujitegemea kifedha, kujiendeleza kimaisha na kupata heshima katika jamii. Mama huyu anasema safari ya kuanzisha biashara hiyo ilianza mwaka 2017 baada ya kubaini pengo kubwa katika mnyororo wa thamani wa maziwa eneo la Laikipia. “Wanawake wengi walikuwa na ngamia na walizalisha maziwa mengi, lakini hawakuwa na mnunuzi wa kutegemewa baada ya kampuni moja kufungwa,” anakumbuka. Kwa kushirikiana na mumewe aliyekuwa akiishi nchini Amerika wakati huo, walianzisha kiwanda kidogo kwa kutumia akiba yao binafsi na fedha walizokopa kutoka kwa familia kwa sababu hawangeweza kupata mikopo rasmi kutoka kwa benki au mashirika ya kukopesha pesa. Safari ilianza kwa kuchakata lita 50 pekee za maziwa kwa siku. Leo hii, karibu miaka 10 baadaye, kampuni hiyo huchakata hadi lita 300 kwa siku msimu wa mvua, ingawa kiwango hicho hupungua wakati wa ukame. Zamzam, aliyelelewa katika jamii iliyotengwa ambapo wanawake walikuwa na nafasi finyu za maendeleo, anasema alitaka sana kujenga biashara inayoinua wanawake katika kila hatua ya uzalishaji. [caption id="attachment_187952" align="aligncenter" width="300"] Zamzam Haji, mwanzilishi White Gold Camel Milk Limited Kaunti ya Laikipia wakati wa mahojiano Jijini Nairobi. Picha|Sammy Waweru [/caption] Jitihada zake sasa zinaonekana wazi. Wanawake waliokuwa wakikosa soko la maziwa yao sasa wanapata kipato cha kudumu. Baadhi yao, Zamzam anaambia Akilimali kwamba wameweza hata kununua ardhi, jambo ambalo hapo awali lilikuwa ndoto kwa wanawake wengi. Wakati huohuo, biashara hiyo imechangia mabadiliko katika ufugaji huku wafugaji wengi wakihamia ufugaji wa ngamia kutokana na ukame wa mara kwa mara. “Tofauti na ng’ombe, ngamia wanaweza kustahimili mazingira magumu na kuendelea kutoa maziwa hata wakati wa kiangazi,” anasema. Licha ya mafanikio hayo, Zamzam anasema changamoto bado zipo, ikiwemo; ukosefu wa fedha kupanua biashara, kuelimisha wateja kuhusu maziwa ya ngamia, ushindani mkuu sokoni na ongezeko la wizi wa mifugo katika maeneo jirani kama vile Kaunti ya Isiolo. Hata hivyo, Zamzam ana matumaini makubwa. Kampuni hiyo sasa inalenga masoko ya kimataifa hususan katika mataifa ya Uarabuni (Gulf). Aidha, alikuwa miongoni mwa wafanyabiashara, kampuni na wajasiriamali walionufaika kupitia Farm’Innov acceleration programme, mpango uliozinduliwa mwaka 2024 kusaidia ubunifu na ushindani katika sekta ya kilimo na mifugo. Mpango huo wa mwaka mmoja ulifadhiliwa kupitia ushirikiano wa serikali ya Ufaransa na ile ya Kenya. Kwa sasa, White Gold Camel Milk inamiliki ngamia 23 na inaendelea kufanya kazi na mtandao mkubwa wa wasambazaji wa maziwa – wengi wao wakiwa wanawake kutoka Laikipia na kaunti jirani.
11 May 2026
South Africa's winegrowers working to stay one step ahead of warming planet
South Africa's winegrowers are working to stay one step ahead of warming planet as Western Cape province starts to feel the effects of climate change.
11 May 2026
105 years after Tulsa Massacre, the fight for reparations continue in the US
105 years after the Tulsa Race Massacre devastated the thriving Black community of Greenwood in Tulsa, Oklahoma, the fight for justice and reparations continues.
11 May 2026
Ghana’s transport system is chaotic: how it can move more people with fewer vehicles – research
Every morning in Accra, Ghana’s capital, thousands of commuters sit in traffic while minibuses and taxis compete for limited road space. More than 70% of Ghanaians rely on informal public transport, predominantly minibuses (trotros) and taxis, for their daily mobility. About 84% of passenger trips in Accra are made using these modes (a 2017 estimate). Precise counts of vehicles are not available due to the informal nature of the sector, but thousands of taxis and trotros are active on Accra’s roads each day. Despite the constant movement, the traffic’s progress is slow. Ghana’s cities are moving, but not efficiently. Taxi and minibus services are essential. They provide flexible, relatively affordable mobility and reach areas that formal systems do not. For millions of people, they are the backbone of daily travel. Yet surprisingly little is known about their diversity and characteristics. I research how urban transport systems can be made more efficient and climate-friendly, particularly in rapidly growing cities where there are mobility challenges. In my recent study of commercial vehicle models in Ghana’s urban transport system, I identified 52 different types of taxis and trotros currently in operation. This diversity reflects a system shaped more by market demand than by coordinated, large-scale planning. My findings show a highly diverse fleet structure, with differences in vehicle capacity and service patterns across the fleet. There’s a strong reliance on conventional fuels and older vehicles. These patterns suggest a fleet that has developed gradually over time, rather than through deliberate and structured modernisation. The result is traffic congestion, higher fuel consumption and increased emissions. I argue that a more structured approach to urban transport could allow cities to move more people with fewer vehicles, reduce overlapping low-occupancy trips, and improve fleet regulation and planning. Why efficiency is a growing problem Most taxis, which are typically sedan cars, carry only a few passengers per trip and operate over short distances. Trotros seating about 10-20 people carry more passengers and travel longer routes. But they still fall short of the capacity offered by larger buses used for mass transit, which can carry 50 or more passengers per trip. This means more vehicles are required to move the same number of passengers. In Accra alone, roughly one million passenger trips are made daily using these modes. As demand increases, the system responds by adding more vehicles, not by increasing capacity per vehicle. This pattern is evident in the the city’s rapid motorisation : vehicle ownership rose from about 40 per 1,000 people in 1990 to 260 per 1,000 in 2015. This highlights how growing mobility demand has largely been met through more vehicles on the road, rather than through more efficient, higher-capacity transport. The result is growing congestion, longer travel times and increasing pressure on already limited road infrastructure. For commuters, this means more time spent in traffic. For cities, it means declining transport efficiency. Environmental costs of low-capacity transport The dominance of low-occupancy vehicles also affects the environment. Vehicles that carry fewer passengers generally consume more fuel and generate higher emissions per passenger-kilometre compared to higher-capacity modes of transport. For example, one study on urban transport found that transit buses can reduce emissions by 82%-94% relative to sedan cars. The cumulative effect of a large fleet of low-occupancy vehicles in Accra contributes to higher overall fuel consumption and increased urban emissions. Expanding and strengthening high-capacity public transport systems is not only a transport issue, but also an environmental one. Economic implications for cities and commuters Inefficiency in transport systems has direct economic consequences. Higher fuel consumption increases operating costs for drivers, which can eventually translate into higher fares. Congestion slows down the movement of people and goods, reducing productivity and increasing the cost of doing business in urban areas. Efficient transport systems support economic growth by improving reliability and reducing delays. As Ghana’s cities expand, these efficiencies become even more critical. Why the current system persists Despite these challenges, taxis and trotros continue to dominate for good reason. They are flexible, adaptable and responsive to demand. Routes can change quickly, and services can reach areas that formal systems often overlook. The relatively low cost of entry also allows many individuals to participate in the sector. This flexibility has made the system resilient. But it has also limited large-scale coordination. The case for high-occupancy transport Improving urban mobility is not just about increasing the number of vehicles, it is about moving more people with fewer vehicles. High-occupancy transport systems, particularly Bus Rapid Transit (BRT), a system that uses larger buses operating along dedicated corridors, carry more passengers per trip. A single high-capacity bus can replace multiple taxis or minibuses. This does not mean eliminating existing transport modes. Taxis and trotros can play a complementary role as feeder services, connecting passengers to main transit routes. This integrated approach combines flexibility with efficiency. Ghana has already made attempts to introduce BRT systems. But partial implementation has limited their impact. For such systems to succeed, they require dedicated lanes, consistent policy support, and long-term investment. A critical moment for Ghana’s cities Urbanisation in Ghana is accelerating. As more people move into cities, demand for transport will continue to rise. If current trends continue, the number of low-capacity vehicles will increase further, worsening congestion and environmental pressures. Over time, this could reduce the overall effectiveness of urban transport systems. Ghana now faces a choice: continue expanding a vehicle-intensive system, or move towards higher-capacity models that prioritise efficiency and sustainability. What needs to change Addressing these challenges requires coordinated policy action. Transport planning must move beyond reactive, market-driven growth, towards long-term system design. This includes integrating informal transport operators into structured frameworks while investing in infrastructure that supports high-capacity movement. In my view, priorities should include: full implementation of Bus Rapid Transit systems with dedicated lanes investment in high-capacity buses and supporting infrastructure integration of informal operators into formal planning systems gradual reduction of low-occupancy vehicles along major corridors stronger institutional coordination and long-term planning. These steps can help create a more flexible and efficient, balanced system. The future of Ghana’s cities will depend on a simple shift where more people, not more vehicles, are moved. Janet Appiah Osei received funding from the African Research Alliance Universities (ARUA) in collaboration with the University of Ghana
11 May 2026
South African study reveals most dog fights happen at home – and how best to prevent it
Dogs can be very aggressive towards one another, as many people will have witnessed in public places. But in South Africa aggression between dogs occurs more often in people’s homes. We, a group of South African veterinary scientists including epidemiologists and a behaviourist at the Faculty of Veterinary Science, University of Pretoria, set out to understand the drivers of dog-on-dog aggression in dog bite patients. One of the reasons for doing this is that international studies rarely represent African settings, yet dog-keeping practices profoundly influence behaviour. In South Africa, for example, dog ownership is driven by safety concerns and a guard against crime. Typically owners keep multiple dogs, select more aggressive dog breeds and combine large breeds for protection with smaller “alert” dogs meant to raise the alarm. In a recent paper we examined detailed owner surveys from dogs presented to the veterinary hospital with bite wounds. We have also been drilling down into data based on more than 3,000 dogs that had been treated for dog bite wounds between 2013 and 2024 at the Onderstepoort Veterinary Academic Hospital. We analysed dog fight descriptions and household demographics, looking at the sex, age, breed and sterilisation status of dogs. Our aim was to provide solid evidence-based and locally relevant prevention strategies to reduce inter-dog aggression, and to identify some risk amelioration strategies for South Africa. We found that the biggest drivers of dog-on-dog aggression were overcrowded homes, and mismatched dog groups in terms of sex, sterilisation status and size. And that, by and large, dogs had minimal training and early socialisation and were given limited exercise outside the household. Together, these factors create a household “pressure cooker” for inter-dog conflict. Unfortunately, once fighting between household dogs occurs, this behaviour usually escalates. It’s often necessary to permanently supervise or separate fighting dogs. This makes identifying prevention strategies all the more important, as once fighting occurs between two household dogs it is very difficult to curb. Our findings highlight the importance of selecting compatible dogs, managing home environments and supporting owners with practical, evidence-based advice. Based on our findings we make seven recommendations that could help reduce dog-on-dog violence. These include limiting the number of dogs in a home to two or three, castrating male dogs, making sure there’s a mix of males and females, and not mixing small and large breeds. What we found Our research found extensive damage to the dogs that had been bitten: 4% had chest or abdominal cavity penetration 12% suffered fractures 6% resulted in death or euthanasia. Beyond the welfare concerns for the dogs, this conflict also affected humans in considerable ways. Owners were injured while breaking up the fight in 3.2% of fights. Wounds to the face and hands were reported. We found that households where fighting occurred owned more dogs (4.1 dogs compared to 3.4 dogs) and had more than one intact male dog. When we examined patterns in fighting pairs, we identified clear trends: 71% of fights were between dogs of the same sex; 53% occurred between dogs with the same sterilisation status. Conversely, fighting was less common between male and female dogs (29%). The most common pairs were two intact males (25%) or two spayed females (15%). Intact males were significantly over-represented in fights (38% of fighters vs 12.7% for castrated males). We did not establish causality, but the association is strong. Female spayed dogs were slightly over-represented: 28% of fighting dogs vs 22% for female intact dogs. Fighting was frequent (12% of reports) when one household dog was in oestrus (on heat). Fights were more common in dogs older than three years when hierarchy challenges arose. Most injured dogs were small breeds attacked by larger dogs. Several breeds were over-represented in fighting households. These included boerboels, German shepherd dogs and pitbull terriers. Jack Russell terriers and miniature pinschers were over-represented in dog bite wound patients. Breeds such as dachshunds, labrador retrievers, miniature schnauzers and toy poodles were less represented in fighting households. The differences between South Africa and Europe In Europe, fights occur mostly in public spaces between non-household dogs . Research has been done this on this in the UK , Germany and Czech Republic . But in South Africa, household dynamics themselves are the central risk factor. In our study 85% of the dog bite wound cases happened at the owner’s home, and 68% involved dogs living in the same household. Fighting often happened when a dog escaped from the yard or entered another dog’s property. In several countries like the UK and Germany , leash laws were introducted to reduce dog attacks and fighting. But in our study population this would have a minimal effect on fighting between dogs at this occurs mostly at home. Other clear differences to previous western studies were that most households in our survey kept 3.4 dogs. In many European studies there were usually fewer than two. This shows that South African households face unique pressures that shape dog behaviour. Local evidence is essential to prevent fights and improve welfare. What can owners do? Keep no more than three dogs in a household. More dogs, more competition = more fighting. Secondly, castrate all male dogs. Third, avoid keeping dogs of only one sex. Fighting between same sex pairs was more common. Fourth, avoid keeping large breed dogs with small breed dogs. Injuries were more common when small breed dogs were bitten by larger breed dogs. Fifth, avoid keeping boerboels, German shepherds and pitbull terriers in multi-dog households. These breeds were more common in fighting households. Sixth, Jack Russell terriers and miniature pinschers should be limited to low risk households without large breed dogs. These two breeds were over-represented in dog bite wound patients. Seventh, maintain dog proof-fencing and control dogs during gate opening and closing. Fighting was often reported when dogs escaped their yard or entered another property. Josef Hanekom works for the Faculty of Veterinary Science, University of Pretoria.
11 May 2026
Cannes Film Festival to showcase three African films in official selection
The official selection of the 2026 Cannes Film Festival will showcase three African feature films, all part of the Un Certain Regard section.
11 May 2026
Security forces open fire on protesters in Mogadishu, killing one
One person was killed and another injured on Sunday after Somali security forces opened fire to disperse an opposition‑led protest in Mogadishu, according to opposition figures and witnesses, deepening tensions just days before President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s term expires.
11 May 2026
Admissions outside CAPS illegal ‐ JAMB
The Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board, JAMB, has warned tertiary institutions against granting admissions outside the Central Admissions Processing System, CAPS, describing such practices as illegal. JAMB Registrar, Prof. Ishaq Oloyede, gave the warning during the 2026 Policy Meeting on Admissions into Tertiary Institutions organised by the board on Monday in Abuja. Oloyede said some institutions were still issuing admission letters to candidates who had not been approved through CAPS, contrary to Federal Government directives. He noted that the practice undermined transparency in the admission process, adding that there were cases where candidates with higher scores were denied admission while those with lower scores were admitted. According to him, disciplinary actions have already been initiated against affected institutions, and sanctions will be applied. The registrar added that a case involving 11 universities over alleged illegal admissions was currently before the court. Oloyede also refuted claims that candidates were posted outside their chosen examination towns, explaining that candidates selected their preferred examination towns during registration and were only assigned to centres within those locations. The JAMB registrar added that investigations into the complaints confirmed that no candidate was posted outside his or her selected examination town. According to him, the matter had also been reviewed by the Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Commission, FCCPC. He reiterated that all admissions into tertiary institutions must be processed through CAPS and urged institutions to strictly comply with approved admission procedures. Admissions outside CAPS illegal ‐ JAMB
11 May 2026
West Africa: Liberia to Host First-Ever Student-Led Chemistry Symposium in Gbarnga
[Liberian Observer] Liberia is poised to make history on May 16, 2026, with the hosting of its first-ever Student-Led Chemistry Symposium, an initiative expected to bring together 750 students in a major push to strengthen practical science education.
11 May 2026
France's Macron announces more than €1 billion of investment deals in Kenya
French President Emmanuel Macron urged more investment in Africa on Sunday, as he prepared to co-host the Africa-Forward summit with his Kenyan counterpart.
11 May 2026
Kenya: Ruto Says CBE Reforms Preparing Kenyan Learners for AI-Driven Global Job Market
[Capital FM] Nairobi -- Kenya is reforming the education system to ensure that learners keep pace with a fast-changing global labour market, especially in technology, President William Ruto has said.
11 May 2026
Nigeria: Full List - Nigerian Universities and Cut-Off Marks for 2026 Admission
[Vanguard] The Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board has released the minimum Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examination (UTME) cut-off marks approved by universities across the country for the 2026 admission exercise, with Pan-Atlantic University setting the highest benchmark at 220.
11 May 2026
Macron: French companies investing more than €1 billion in Kenya deals
French President Emmanuel Macron urged more investment in Africa on Sunday, as he prepared to co-host the Africa-Forward summit with his Kenyan counterpart.
11 May 2026
France enacts law to ease returns of looted art to ex-colonies
The French parliament on Thursday definitively adopted legislation to simplify the return of artworks looted during the colonial era to their countries of origin.
11 May 2026
Pep sasa ni maombi tu!
MANCHESTER City inaendelea kujipa imani katika mbio za kufukuzia ubingwa wa Ligi Kuu ya Uingereza (EPL) msimu huu licha ya washindani wao wakuu Arsenal kufungua mwanya wa alama tano juu ya jedwali. The Citizens walikuwa wamepunguza pengo hadi alama mbili dhidi ya vinara Arsenal Jumamosi walipoibamiza Brentford 3-0 ugani Etihad. Kikosi cha kocha Pep Guardiola kilikuwa kimeteleza Jumatatu iliyopita kwa sare ya 3-3 dhidi ya Everton, lakini wikendi hii kilijikakamua kipindi cha pili na kuwapa mashabiki wao kila sababu ya kutabasamu. Hata hivyo, furaha yao ilidumu kwa saa 24 pekee kwa sababu The Gunners walijinyakulia ushindi mwembamba na uliosheheni gumzo kubwa dhidi ya West Ham, pale goli la kusawazisha la The Hammers lilipokataliwa na VAR na kuruhusu vijana wa Mikel Arteta kuondoka na alama zote tatu. Jumamosi huko Etihadi, nyota wa Ubelgiji Jeremy Doku alikuwa mwiba kwa difensi ya Brentford tangu mwanzo wa mchezo. Alikosa bao la mapema baada ya kipa Caoimhin Kelleher kuokoa shuti lake, huku pia akimpakulia krosi safi Erling Haaland ambaye alikosa kulenga shabaha. City walitawala kipindi cha kwanza lakini wakashindwa kuvunja ukuta wa Brentford. Baadaye Haaland alipiga kichwa kilichookolewa na Kelleher kabla ya juhudi nyingine kuzuiwa na Kristoffer Ajer. Bao la kwanza liliwadia katika dakika ya 60 wakati Doku alipopenya upande wa kushoto na kupiga shuti kali lililotinga kona ya mbali. Haaland aliongeza la pili dakika ya 75 baada ya vurugu ndani ya eneo la hatari, huku mchezaji wa akiba Omar Marmoush akifunga la tatu katika dakika za mwisho za kipindi cha pili. Hata hivyo, Brentford pia walikuwa mwiba katika nyakati tofauti. Kipa Gianluigi Donnarumma alilazimika kufanya kazi ya ziada kuokoa mashambulizi ya Michael Kayode na Igor Thiago. Baada ya ushindi huo, Guardiola alisema siri ya mabao ni kuwapeleka wachezaji karibu na Haaland. Sasa City wanaomba sana Arsenal iteleze katika mechi zilizosalia na wao washinde zao dhidi ya Crystal Palace na Bournemouth ili mbio za ubingwa ziende hadi siku ya mwisho. Kwingineko Katika mechi nyingine, Liverpool walilazimishwa sare ya 1-1 katika mtanange uliogaragazwa nyumbani Anfield. Ryan Gravenberch alifungia wenyeji bao mapema dakika ya sita kabla ya Enzo Fernandez kusawazishia Chelsea dakika ya 35. Mashabiki wa Liverpool walionyesha kutoridhishwa na maamuzi ya kocha Arne Slot, hasa baada ya kumtoa kinda Rio Ngumoha kipindi cha pili. Nao Bournemouth waliibuka na ushindi muhimu wa 1-0 dhidi ya Fulham kupitia bao la la Rayan Christie dakika ya 53, katika mechi ya vuta nikuvute iliyoshuhudia kila timu ikibaki na wachezaji 10 kufuatia kadi nyekundu za kipindi cha kwanza baada ya ukaguzi wa VAR. Rayan Rocha alikuwa wa kwanza kutimuliwa uwanjani baada ya kuonekana kumchezea vibaya Timothy Castagne katika tukio lililothibitishwa na VAR. Hata hivyo, Fulham nao hawakudumu na idadi kamili ya wachezaji baada ya beki Joachim Andersen kupewa kadi nyekundu kwa kosa kama hilo dhidi ya Adrien Truffert. Ushindi huo umeimarisha matumaini ya Bournemouth kumaliza msimu katika nafasi za kushiriki michuano ya Uropa msimu ujao. Katika mtanange mwingine, Brighton waliwanyorosha washika mkia Wolves 3-0 na kupanda hadi nafasi ya saba kwenye jedwali. Katika uwanja wa Stadium of Light, Sunderland walitoka sare tasa na Manchester United.
11 May 2026
Universities South Africa sounds alarm on rising campus governance risks
Governance-related tension at several universities across South Africa is systemic rather than episodic, higher education leaders in the country say. Restoring integrity and protecting universities from political and commercial predation are priorities for Universities South Africa (USAf), the membership body representing all 26 public universities in South Africa. The extent to which institutional capture has taken root — not only through corruption but also through weakened governance cultures, blurred boundaries and leadership failures that hollow out the academic project itself — has shocked higher education leaders, according to a USAf report. Governance snapshot at some institutions The University of Fort Hare faces pressure from political and criminal capture and claims about the validity of degrees awarded to more than 30 people in the Eastern Cape; Mangosuthu University of Technology suffers from leadership instability and factional councils; Cape Peninsula University of Technology is strained by management–labour conflict and procurement tension; and Walter Sisulu University battles structural governance fragility and financial weakness. University of Fort Hare The UFH is experiencing one of the most severe governance crises in the sector , marked by violent contestation, political interference and heightened risks of institutional capture. Its vice-chancellor, professor Sakhela Buhlungu, is on precautionary suspension . The institution has faced assassination attempts and threats against senior staff linked to anti-corruption efforts, alongside council instability and factional battles over appointments and procurement. Allegations of political interference in academic processes, including claims of degree fraud involving high-profile politicians, have further eroded trust between management, council and external stakeholders. Fort Hare sits at the intersection of criminal networks, political patronage and weak governance boundaries, making it a national flashpoint for institutional capture. Mangosuthu University of Technology The MUT has faced persistent leadership instability and factionalism, often spilling into public conflict. This includes frequent suspensions and acting appointments in senior management, as well as repeated council–management breakdowns marked by allegations of interference and counter-accusations of insubordination. Labour and student unrest has been closely tied to governance disputes and procurement battles, while weak internal controls have triggered repeated ministerial scrutiny. The institution’s governance is characterised by leadership vacuums, factional council politics and unstable executive structures, creating a cycle of crisis and intervention. Cape Peninsula University of Technology The CPUT is under strain from labour disputes, internal factionalism and contested leadership authority. Prolonged conflicts between management and staff unions about working conditions and disciplinary processes have contributed to institutional instability. Accusations of authoritarian management are met with counterclaims of disruptive union behaviour. Campus disruptions linked to student accommodation, security contracts and procurement have further intensified tension. Council divisions over disciplinary processes and executive accountability reflect deeper mistrust between management and labour, compounded by procurement-related pressures and inconsistent conflict-resolution mechanisms. Walter Sisulu University WSU continues to experience chronic governance instability rooted in historical mergers and uneven institutional cultures. Persistent financial management weaknesses and audit concerns are compounded by leadership turnover and reliance on acting executives. Council fragmentation and inconsistent oversight have weakened institutional coherence, while student unrest linked to the National Student Financial Aid Scheme, accommodation and service delivery failures continues to disrupt operations. The university’s governance challenges stem from structural instability, weak financial controls and fragmented leadership, leaving it vulnerable to external pressure and internal drift. USAf reflections on governance Looking back on its USAf–LMSG webinar on 23 March and the report released on 13 April 2026, the report highlights specific examples of poor governance, both in institutions and among council chairs and offers solutions to restore integrity and protect universities from external interference. At the heart of the failings and reason for institutional instability, is a blatant disregard for the Higher Education Act, where “vice-chancellors [are] making governance decisions, council chairs making management decisions, [and] students being placed on tender committees”, professor Jonathan Jansen , the former vice-chancellor of the University of the Free State, says. The law regulates the tertiary education sector, establishing a single coordinated system to transform institutions, manage public funding and set quality standards. Jansen stressed the need for strict adherence to governance roles, smaller councils and the appointment of individuals of “exceptional integrity” to leadership positions. Dr Whitty Green , the chief executive of the Council on Higher Education, said there was a weak translation of strategy into practice, highlighting the recurring systemic failure: universities adopt ambitious strategies but “these are not always aligned with budgets, quality systems or execution frameworks”. To hold the academic project at the centre, Green suggested integrated planning, stronger monitoring systems and a governance ecosystem to keep the sector honest. Fear, low trust and weak communication In January, Buti Manamela, the minister of higher education and training, said he would be conducting an overdue review of the legislation governing tertiary education in the country. Green noted that many institutions were operating with “policies [that] are often outdated, poorly reviewed, weakly enforced or insufficiently tracked”, creating space for practices outside policy to flourish, echoing a need for universities to modernise policy frameworks, strengthen compliance and embed risk management into quality assurance systems. That had created environments of institutional cultures characterised by “fear, low trust, and weak communication”, which discouraged whistleblowing and enabled malpractice to take root unchecked. Green recommended that universities focus on building cultures of transparency, strengthening consequence management and empowering middle management — the layer that often carries institutional memory. While avoiding naming specific individuals, Jansen said capture accelerated when council chairs exceeded their mandate, noting examples of “council chairs making management decisions” — a direct violation of governance boundaries that destabilised institutions. A case in point was the governance crisis at UFH, where council–management tension had intensified. Jansen said there should be rigorous vetting of council chairs and deputy chairs, especially to avoid appointing individuals from “corrupt or dysfunctional municipalities”. Ahmed Essop , the former chief executive of the Council on Higher Education, said that inevitably, there were glaring examples in which councils were dominated by factional or constituency interests. The 1997 stakeholder model had produced councils where internal conflicts were reproduced at the apex. He noted that “internal conflicts… [are] often replayed at council level rather than resolved within the institution”, underscoring the need for proposed smaller councils, clearer criteria for membership and public nomination processes to ensure independence and competence. Governance guardrails imperative An example of council chairs enabling convocation or external groups to exert undue influence was raised by professor Phumla Mnganga , the former chair of the University of KwaZulu-Natal Council. She described a case where a convocation grouping attempted to “position itself as though it could determine the chair of council”. Mnganga said that was an early sign of capture and institutional distortion. That made it necessary, she cautioned, for governance guardrails, including conflict of interest frameworks, vigilance against disproportionate power and early warning systems. Council chairs lacked grounding in academic purpose, admitted professor Lungisile Ntsebeza , the former chair of the UFH Council, revealing that many council chairs did not understand the university’s core mission. He insisted that “anyone involved in university governance should begin with the core business of the institution” — teaching, research and community engagement. Ntsebeza emphasised the need for rigorous induction programmes that anchored council chairs in academic freedom, institutional autonomy and the scholarly project. Speakers agreed that the country’s higher education system was buckling under pressure and that was one of the reasons governance was failing, adding that failures were not isolated incidents but symptoms of deeper structural and political pressures. Global and local pressures Professor Tandi Lewin , the deputy director-general for universities at the department of higher education and training, said universities faced global and local pressures — from inequality to political interference — that was eroding autonomy. She cautioned that “if universities do not speak for themselves, others will do so for them”. Echoing Lewin’s concerns, professor Thandwa Mthembu , the vice-chancellor of Durban University of Technology, said universities were facing a “quadruple crisis” of hegemony, legitimacy, institutional being and capture. Mthembu warned that “universities weaken gradually through small compromises and blurred boundaries”. Both emphasised that governance failures could not be separated from the wider sociopolitical environment — poverty, patronage networks and declining public trust. The closing message was clear: South Africa’s universities are at risk of losing their academic identity if governance failures continue unchecked. Lewin warned that “a captured university ceases to act like a university”, becoming instead a political arena or a patronage network. The sector, she argued, knew the risks; the challenge was whether it had the collective will to act. While solutions are not in short supply, the university sector needs the courage to implement them before institutional capture becomes not a risk but a defining feature of South African higher education. ©Higher Education Media Services. — www.ednews.africa
11 May 2026
Mali's Mamadou Sangaré named top African player in French football league
RC Lens midfielder Mamadou Sangaré has been voted the top African player in the French Ligue 1 football league, becoming the first Malian player to win the Marc-Vivien Foé prize, awarded by French broadcasters RFI and France 24.
11 May 2026
Madagascar Presidential election scheduled for October 2027
Madagascar’s political transition is entering a critical new phase. The Independent Electoral Commission has unveiled a timeline for key votes, with a constitutional referendum set for June 2027 and presidential elections to follow in October.
11 May 2026
South Africa: All Western Cape Schools Shut as Storm Intensifies
[allAfrica] Western Cape Education MEC David Maynier announced on Monday afternoon that every school in the province would be closed on Tuesday, 12 May, as the severe weather battering the region showed no sign of letting up.
11 May 2026
Kang’ata kupiga teke UDA kwatikisa ngome, baadhi wakimkosoa kutema chombo kilichomfaidi
GAVANA Irungu Kang’ata wa Murang’a ameibuka tena kama mmoja wa viongozi wanaotikisa siasa za Mlima Kenya, baada ya kutangaza kuwa hatawania tena ugavana kwa tiketi ya UDA mwaka 2027, hatua iliyoibua mjadala mpana kuhusu mustakabali wake wa kisiasa. Wadadisi wa siasa wanasema Kang’ata ni “twiga wa siasa” — kiongozi mwenye mtazamo wa mbali, na ambaye haogopi kusema ukweli hata ikiwa unaumiza maslahi ya walio mamlakani. Kang’ata alithibitisha uamuzi wake wa kujiondoa kuwania tiketi ya UDA katika uchaguzi mkuu wa 2027, akisema alifikia uamuzi huo baada ya tafakari na mazungumzo ya ndani kushindwa kuleta muafaka. “Mheshimiwa Rais amekuwa akituambia kila mara kwamba wananchi ndio wenye mamlaka ya mwisho. Nashukuru kwa kauli hiyo, na hivyo jukumu langu ni kufuata kile wananchi wamesema,” alitanguliza kwenye kikao na wanahabari Jumapili iliyopita. “Kwa msingi huo, kwa kuwa nimejaribu kadri ya uwezo wangu kutatua masuala haya ndani ya chama, nimefanya mazungumzo ya wazi na Mheshimiwa Rais moja kwa moja, ambapo tulijadili mawazo haya lakini hatukufikia ‘muafaka kamili’,” akasema. Hata hivyo, alisisitiza kuwa hana uhasama na Rais William Ruto au UDA akieleza kuwa ataendelea kuwa mwanachama mwaminifu hadi mwisho wa muhula wake. “Hadi wakati huo nitasalia mwanachama mwenye nidhamu na aliyejitolea wa UDA. Nitaendelea kuhudumu kwa uaminifu katika wadhifa wangu na kushirikiana na serikali ya kitaifa,” akaeleza. Kang’ata alifafanua zaidi msimamo wake wa kisiasa akisema halengi kiti kikubwa zaidi ya ugavana na kwa hivyo yeye si tisho kwa rais. “Sina nia ya kugombea kuwa Rais wa Kenya wala sitaki kuwa Naibu Rais wa nchi. Kwa hivyo, maslahi yangu na yake hayagongani. Yangu ni kulinda kiti changu cha Murang’a pekee,” alisema. Aliongeza kuwa bado hajachagua chama au jukwaa jipya atakalotumia mwaka 2027. “Baada ya kutafakari kwa kina kuelekea 2027 sitatetea kiti changu kwa tiketi ya chama cha sasa. Baadaye nitatoa taarifa kuhusu jukwaa nitakalotumia kujitokeza mbele ya wapiga kura,” akaongeza. Alidokeza kwamba amekuwa akishinikizwa kisiasa hasa wakati wa ziara za Rais katika kaunti yake. “Nimeona kwa siku chache zilizopita, Rais amekuwa Murang’a, na kila ninapokwenda huko, ninashinikizwa kuunga mkono miradi yake,” alisema. Kauli hizi zimezua athari za haraka ndani ya UDA, ambapo baadhi ya viongozi wa Murang’a wamemkosoa vikali. Waziri wa Ardhi Alice Wahome na Mbunge Mary Wamaua walimshambulia gavana huyo wakisema ametema chama alichonufaika nacho kumpa kiti cha ugavana. Lakini kwa wafuasi wake, Kang’ata ni kiongozi jasiri anayesema ukweli bila kuogopa mamlaka. Historia yake ya kisiasa inaonyesha kwamba mara kadhaa amechukua misimamo migumu, ikiwemo kuonya hali ya Mlima Kenya kuelekea 2022 na sasa kutoa tahadhari kwa UDA kuhusu mwelekeo wake kuelekea 2027. Katika mahojiano mengine wiki hii, Kang’ata alionyesha wasiwasi wake kuhusu mwelekeo wa siasa akisema: “Nimeona jinsi siasa zinavyoendelea, na sasa ninaamini kwamba hazitaishia vizuri kwa chama cha UDA, angalau katika eneo langu.” Aliongeza: “Kinachonisikitisha ni kile UDA inachofanya kuhakikisha inabaki na uungwaji mkono. Nasema hivyo kwa sababu naamini kwamba kwa miaka miwili au mitatu iliyopita, kumekuwa na matendo ambayo yameimarisha upinzani.” Kulingana na mdadisi wa siasa Dkt Isaac Gichuki, hatua ya Kang’ata sio ya kijasiri tu mbali ni ya mtu anayetazama mbali. “Kang’ata amejisawiri kama kiongozi jasiri anayesema ukweli bila woga “twiga wa siasa” ambaye bado analenga mustakabali wa 2027 kwa macho ya mbali. "Kilicho wazi ni kwamba Irungu Kang’ata ameendelea kujijenga kama mmoja wa viongozi wachache wanaoweza kusema “hapana” kwa mamlaka, na kubaki bado na ushawishi mkubwa wa kisiasa. Katika siasa za 2027, twiga huyu wa Murang’a bado anaonekana kuwa juu ya uwanja—akiona mbali kuliko wengine,” asema Dkt Gichuki.
11 May 2026
Pensions for Botswana’s elderly are growing, but care services are lacking – study tracks 20 years
Botswana’s economy is projected to contract by 0.4% in 2026, driven largely by a slowdown in the diamond sector. Diamonds account for a third of fiscal revenues and a quarter of GDP. This means the government has less money to spend, even before making any policy choices. At the same time, the government has set about reducing debt as a share of GDP by cutting expenditure to stabilise the economy. This combination is forcing difficult decisions about public spending. A key one is investment in social protection for older people. Over the past two decades, the number of older persons aged 60+ has doubled to about 279,111 people (roughly 8% of the population). In coming decades, that number is set to rise even more sharply . While this reflects important gains in life expectancy, it also presents a policy challenge: how to support an ageing population in a context of tightening public finances. We have between us expertise in long term care systems, public financing and budget analysis. Our recent study sought to tackle this question by examining how the Botswana government has funded elder care over the last 20 years. We also obtained government data to examine how state spending on older people has evolved over time under various social protection measures. These included the old age pension, destitute programme, disability allowance and war veteran’s allowance, as well as care provision through the home-based care programme. Read more: Botswana’s hike of old age pensions hasn’t fixed the problem of who cares for the elderly – new study Our final report looks at how spending in 2005 compares to spending in 2024-2025, adjusted for inflation to reflect real changes in today’s value, and how these trends correspond with the growth of the older person population. The key insight of the new report is that while Botswana has significantly expanded its old age pension system, investment in care services for older people has not kept pace. Read more: Botswana’s hike of old age pensions hasn’t fixed the problem of who cares for the elderly – new study The result is a system that provides income support but leaves many without the care they need and an underinvestment in the care economy in Botswana. A pension success story: at a cost? Botswana’s old age pension has long been one of the country’s most important social protection programmes. It is universal, meaning all citizens above a certain age qualify, and it has achieved broad reach across both urban and rural areas. In 2025, the government made two major changes: it lowered the eligibility age from 65 to 60 and increased the monthly benefit. These reforms have been widely welcomed. For many older people, the pension provides a crucial lifeline, helping to cover food, transport and other basic needs. In a country without unemployment benefits, it often supports entire households, not just individuals. But this success comes with trade-offs. The rapid expansion of the pension has absorbed a growing share of the broader social protection budget. This has left less room for other forms of public support, particularly those related to care. A hidden crisis of care Ageing is not just about income, it is also about health, disability and the need for care. As people live longer, they are more likely to experience chronic illnesses and multiple health conditions at once. This often leads to increased levels of disability and dependence. Yet Botswana’s spending patterns suggest that these realities are not being fully addressed. Pension coverage has expanded. But access to other support programmes has stagnated or even declined. The proportion of older persons receiving the destitute allowance has fallen significantly over the past decade, and disability support reaches only a small fraction of those who need it. While there has been an increase in total spending, there has not been an increase in total spending in real terms per person. At the same time, spending on community home-based care, a key service that supports older persons in their homes, has decreased in real terms. This is happening despite clear evidence that demand for such services is rising. Families under pressure Care for older people in Botswana has traditionally been provided by families. This model is under increasing strain. A previous report on caregiving indicated how the long-term impact of HIV/Aids, combined with migration and rising female employment, has reduced the availability of family caregivers. Moreover, between 2012 and 2023, female labour force participation increased from 54.9% to 63.4%, meaning fewer women are available to provide full-time care at home. At the same time, many households face significant economic and infrastructural challenges. Older-people households are often large and multigenerational, yet resources are limited. Nearly half report experiencing food insecurity, and many lack access to basic services such as piped water and sanitation. In a few isolated cases there are “voluntary” carers supporting older persons. But serious questions remain about their long-term sustainability. In rural areas, where most older persons live, these challenges are even more pronounced. Poverty persists despite pensions Poverty among older people remains a serious concern. Around 11.9% live in extreme poverty, and they are more likely to be poor than any other age group. One reason is that the pension is often stretched across entire households. At the same time, access to additional assistance is limited. Programmes such as the destitute allowance and disability grant often rely on discretionary assessments by social workers. Many older persons report that these programmes are difficult to access or simply unavailable. This points to a broader issue: Botswana’s social protection system for older people is becoming increasingly narrow, centred on a single programme while other forms of support fall away. These challenges are unfolding in a context of fiscal austerity. As the government seeks to reduce deficits and stabilise the economy, public spending is under pressure. But cuts to social services come with risks. Botswana is already one of the most unequal countries in the world. Reductions in social protection and care services are likely to exacerbate these inequalities. Public services are also under strain. The country faces shortages of healthcare workers and infrastructure. In this context, reducing investment in care could have long-term consequences for both social and economic development. Rethinking social protection The current moment calls for a shift in how social protection is understood. Rather than focusing narrowly on pensions, policymakers need to take a broader view, one that includes care as a central component. Investing in care services is not just about meeting immediate needs. It can also create jobs, support households, and contribute to economic growth. Community-based care programmes, disability support, and partnerships with local organisations all offer pathways to strengthen the system. Across Botswana, community initiatives are already stepping in to fill the gaps. But without stronger public support, these efforts cannot meet the scale of need. What’s needed is a more balanced approach to spending priorities, one that protects income security while also investing in the public services that enable people to age with dignity. Elena Moore receives funding from Welcome Trust 225910/Z/22/Z and the International Development Research Centre, Grant No. 110536 - 001 Thokozile Madonko does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
11 May 2026
Congolese singer Gloria Bash's fight for peace: 'Music is a weapon' [Interview]
Gloria Bash is a young, multi-talented artist, known for her music and social engagement. In her latest EP 'Zoshi', she celebrates her city, Goma, and continues to demand peace.
11 May 2026
Attaques armées au Mali : les revendications des Touaregs sont la clé de la paix
La situation sécuritaire déjà précaire au Mali s'est encore détériorée fin avril 2026. Des attaques bien coordonnées ont visé plusieurs villes et coûté la vie au ministre de la Défense, Sadio Camara, ainsi qu'à plusieurs soldats maliens. Ces événements sont l'aboutissement d'une recrudescence des attaques contre l'armée et les institutions de l'État au Mali au cours des dernières années. Nous menons des recherches sur l'insécurité et la politique en Afrique de l'Ouest et au Sahel depuis plus d'une décennie. Nous pensons que les récentes attaques trouvent leur origine dans les griefs exprimés par les Touaregs, auxquels le régime militaire actuel n'a pas donné suite. Les Touaregs sont des communautés berbères nomades du nord du Mali. Premier facteur : l’incapacité ou le refus de répondre au mécontentement des Touaregs . Leurs griefs portent principalement sur l’autonomie politique, la marginalisation, la reconnaissance culturelle, le contrôle des ressources, la sécurité et ce qu’ils perçoivent comme une négligence de l’État. Deuxième facteur : le recours continu à la force par l’armée contre les rebelles dans les régions du nord, sans égard pour les dommages collatéraux. Les Touaregs contestent depuis longtemps les politiques de militarisation des gouvernements maliens successifs. Troisième facteur : la répartition inégale des ressources, qui maintient la région nord dans une marginalisation . Il s’agit notamment des ressources du nord du Mali telles que les gisements d’or, les mines de sel, les pâturages et les couloirs commerciaux stratégiques. Les revenus tirés de ces sources restent contrôlés par le centre de l'État, basé dans le sud. S'attaquer à la marginalisation économique pourrait présenter plusieurs avantages. Cela pourrait apaiser les griefs des Touaregs, restaurer la confiance dans l'État malien et faire évoluer les motivations du conflit, en le détournant de la rébellion pour l'orienter vers l'inclusion politique, la stabilité et une paix durable dans le nord du Mali. La situation En avril 2026, le Groupe de soutien à l'islam et aux musulmans (JNIM) s’est allié aux rebelles touaregs du Front de libération de l’Azawad (FLA) pour attaquer plusieurs villes du pays. Cela fait écho à une attaque similaire survenue en 2012, lorsque les Touaregs et des militants affiliés à Al-Qaïda avaient lancé une offensive contre l’État. Le Mouvement national pour la libération de l'Azawad (MNLA), dominé par les Touaregs, a tenté de faire sécession et a déclenché une rébellion. Le MNLA est un mouvement séparatiste dominé par les Touaregs . Fondé en 2011, il est principalement composé d’anciens combattants de retour de Libye et de Touaregs du nord du Mali. L’organisation comptait environ 10 000 combattants à son apogée en 2012 . Malgré leur nombre, ils ne disposaient pas de la puissance militaire nécessaire pour conserver le contrôle du territoire. Ils se sont donc alliés aux islamistes d'Ansar Dine, d'Al-Qaïda au Maghreb islamique (AQMI) et du Mouvement pour l'unicité et le jihad en Afrique de l'Ouest (MUJAO) . Peu après avoir repoussé les forces maliennes fin 2012, l'alliance s'est désintégrée. Les groupes islamistes étaient mieux armés et financés . Ils ont chassé les séparatistes laïques des grandes villes comme Gao, Tombouctou et Kidal. L'intervention des forces françaises en 2013 a aidé le gouvernement malien à regagner la plupart des territoires perdus. AQMI et ses alliés se sont alors repliés dans les montagnes et les zones désertiques environnantes. Ils ont adopté des tactiques de guérilla, notamment des attentats-suicides et l'utilisation de mines terrestres. Le retrait des forces françaises en 2022 semble avoir renforcé l'audace des militants islamistes. Il a levé la pression antiterroriste, perturbé les services de renseignement et la logistique, et créé un vide sécuritaire dans un contexte de faiblesse des capacités de l’État malien. Cela a permis aux groupes islamistes d’étendre leurs opérations, de recruter localement et de regagner de l’influence territoriale. Leçons non tirées Le régime militaire d'Assimi Goïta n’a pas su répondre aux revendications des séparatistes touaregs. Les Touaregs se plaignent depuis longtemps d’être exclus du pouvoir par l’État malien dominé par le sud. Depuis l'indépendance du pays en 1960, les dirigeants touaregs ont fait valoir que la structure de l'État malien ne reflète pas leur identité politique, leurs intérêts économiques et leurs traditions de gouvernance. La revendication d'une autonomie ou d'un statut d'autonomie a été réprimée, souvent par la force. Plus récemment, l'aggravation de la sécheresse, de la désertification et de la variabilité climatique a dévasté les moyens de subsistance des pasteurs touaregs. Ces griefs sont antérieurs à l'insurrection islamiste et sont essentiels pour comprendre l'approche du groupe. La deuxième question non abordée est que les opérations antiterroristes recourent à la force, ce qui entraîne des dommages collatéraux. Une analyse récente montre que les opérations antiterroristes menées dans le nord et le centre du Mali ont infligé aux civils des dégâts considérables, des déplacements de population et des punitions collectives. Celles-ci ont notamment pris la forme d’arrestations arbitraires et de massacres. Ces facteurs ont créé des conditions que les groupes islamistes ont exploitées à des fins de recrutement, de contrôle territorial et de légitimation. La responsabilité de cette situation a été imputée aux régimes maliens successifs et aux opérations françaises précédentes . C'est l'une des principales raisons pour lesquelles les interventions françaises ont été considérées comme des échecs . Le troisième facteur majeur de violence au Mali est lié à la répartition inégale des ressources. Depuis l’indépendance, les investissements publics, les infrastructures, les services sociaux et l’attention politique se sont fortement concentrés dans le sud du pays. Les accords de paix précédents ont promis la décentralisation, le financement et l’intégration des élites du nord et des ex-combattants. Mais leur mise en œuvre a été lente, voire inexistante. Y a-t-il une issue ? Il faut trouver une réponse à la question touareg pour réduire les tensions entre les régions du pays. On peut affirmer que les acteurs touaregs se sont trompés à deux reprises en concluant des accords avec des groupes djihadistes. Mais cela ne diminue en rien la nécessité de s’attaquer aux inégalités structurelles et aux griefs de longue date qui sous-tendent les revendications des Touaregs. Pour y parvenir, le régime malien peut s’inspirer du modèle de l’ancien président Mahamadou Issoufou du Niger. Avant son accession à la présidence, les Touaregs nigériens étaient eux aussi lésés. Lorsqu’il est devenu président en 2011, il a : intégré les élites touaregs et les anciens rebelles dans les institutions de l’État décentralisé l’autorité de l’État en accordant un contrôle administratif et budgétaire au niveau régional mis en place des programmes de désarmement, démobilisation et réintégration . Read more: Niger : comment les Touaregs ont trouvé le chemin du dialogue avec l’État Issoufou a également investi dans le développement des infrastructures , ciblant directement les besoins des Touaregs : pastoralisme, éducation, soutien aux moyens de subsistance. Cela comprenait le pastoralisme, l'éducation et le soutien aux moyens de subsistance. L'accès à l'eau dans les zones pastorales arides a été amélioré. De plus, la connectivité et la sécurité routière ont été renforcées. Répondre aux revendications des Touaregs permettrait ainsi de réduire les tensions au Mali. The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
11 May 2026
Nigeria: FG Cracks Down On Illegal Admissions, Retains 16-Year Entry Age for Varsities
[Vanguard] The Federal Government has declared war on illegal admissions into Nigeria's tertiary institutions, warning universities, polytechnics and colleges of education that any admission conducted outside the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board's Central Admissions Processing System, CAPS, would be treated as unlawful and attract stiff sanctions, including possible suspension of operating licences.
11 May 2026
Inside Lamu's chaotic sea 'highways' putting lives at risk
The latest accident claimed two people when boats collided at the Kilindini Channel on Saturday.
11 May 2026
Ghana: Youth Education, Skills Development, and Mentorship Are Imperative for Ghana's Economic Future
[Ghanaian Times] Ghana stands at a demographic crossroads. With more than one third of the population under the age of 15 and a youth unemployment rate of around 12.1 per cent, the country's long-term stability depends on how effectively it prepares its young people for the future of work. Across Africa, the challenge is even more pronounced: one in three young people is unemployed or discouraged, while another third is vulnerably employed.
11 May 2026
Kenya’s Madina Okot impresses on her debut for Atlanta Dream in WNBA
Atlanta Dream battled back from a 17-point halftime deficit to snatch a 91-90 win against...
11 May 2026
President William Ruto: Kenya is now manufacturing phones and computers
11 May 2026
Nigeria: Just in - Colleges of Education Applicants No Longer Need UTME - - Minister
[Premium Times] The Minister of Education, Tunji Alausa, disclosed this on Monday at this year's annual admissions and policy meeting with heads of tertiary institutions in the country.
11 May 2026
Kabras Sugar RFC clinch sixth Kenya Cup after beating KCB 14–8 in Kakamega
11 May 2026
'If we don't dig, we don't eat': Gold miners return to deadly pits day after tragedy
Survivors say poverty and hunger leave them with no choice but to keep mining
11 May 2026
Why Octopizzo prefers spending most of his time in Europe rather than in Kenya
He prefers living abroad, not just for his children, but for his own 'freedom'.
11 May 2026
France's Macron defends Europe role in Africa as he seeks reset in Nairobi
French President Emmanuel Macron used a two‑day economic summit in Nairobi to defend Europe’s engagement in Africa, drawing a sharp contrast with China’s approach and urging African leaders to take greater responsibility for governance challenges.
11 May 2026
Rape trial of Moroccan singer Saad Lamjarred opens in southern France
Accompanied by his wife, Moroccan singer Saad Lamjarred arrived at a court in southern France on Monday to stand trial. Lamjarred is accused of the 2018 rape of a barmaid in Saint-Tropez - charges he denies.
11 May 2026
Pix of the Day, 11 May 2026
Pix of the Day, 11 May 2026
11 May 2026
How Sh100-a-day work shapes motherhood in Kenya’s informal economy
Community support becomes lifeline for breastfeeding mothers in informal settlements.
11 May 2026
One month before kick-off, questions swirl around 2026 FIFA World Cup
One month before the beginning of the much-anticipated FIFA World Cup in the USA, Mexico and Canada. Several teams are now preparing for the tournament, with 48 teams set to descend in various cities and countries for the first-ever World Cup hosted by three countries.
11 May 2026
Sabastian Sawe: A king is born in London
A journey from dirt paths to joining the pantheon of all-time greats.
11 May 2026
Ruto campaigns for Justice Njoki Ndung'u’s ICC job
The election, set for December 2026 in New York, seeks to fill six vacancies on the ICC bench.
11 May 2026
Court returns disputed Maasai Mara land from Ntutu to Narok County government
The ruling restores public control of the vital 4,000-acre tract of land.
11 May 2026
‘90-minute man’ Allan Thigo redefined midfield role for Harambee Stars and Gor
The midfielder was part of Harambee Stars squad that took Kenya to Afcon for the first time in...
11 May 2026
Dua Lipa sues Samsung over 'unauthorised' TV box image
Lipa first flagged the issue in June 2023, but Samsung reportedly refused to stop using the image.
11 May 2026
Comment une découverte enrichit notre compréhension des origines du fer au Sénégal et en Afrique de l'Ouest
Comment fabriquait-on du fer il y a 2000 ans au Sénégal ? Une étude sur le site archéologique de Didé West 1, dans la vallée de la Falémé, à l'est du pays, permet de reconstituer une technique ancienne de production de fer. Celle-ci a été transmise de génération en génération pendant huit siècles pour répondre à des besoins locaux. Les auteurs de l'étude, Anne Mayor, Mélissa Morel et Ladji Dianifaba, spécialistes de l'archéologie africaine, expliquent, dans cet entretien avec The Conversation Africa, les enjeux de cette découverte et comment ce savoir-faire a traversé des siècles. Qu'avez-vous découvert au Sénégal et en quoi cette découverte est-elle importante ? Depuis plus de 2000 ans, des métallurgistes ont produit du fer sur le territoire actuel du Sénégal. L'étude des vestiges qu’ils ont laissés nous permet de reconstituer leurs choix techniques, les ressources naturelles utilisées et, en partie, leur mode de vie. Au-delà de leur valeur scientifique, ces travaux valorisent les savoir-faire anciens des forgerons, car le fer constitue une véritable révolution technique et sociale, notamment pour l’agriculture. Au Sénégal oriental, dans la vallée de la Falémé , au sein de la réserve naturelle communautaire du Boundou , de nombreux sites anciens de production du fer ont été identifiés ces dernières années. Les prospections et fouilles archéologiques menées par une équipe internationale intégrant des chercheurs des universités de Genève et de Fribourg en Suisse, et de l’Institut fondamental d'Afrique noire (IFAN) de l’université Cheikh Anta Diop à Dakar, ont mis en évidence au moins cinq traditions techniques distinctes. Les recherches se sont concentrées sur l’une d’entre elles, appelée FAL02, le nom donné par les archéologues à l’une des techniques de production du fer identifiées dans la région, particulièrement bien représentée sur une centaine de sites. Le site de Didé West 1 (DDW1), le plus grand et le mieux préservé, présente deux caractéristiques majeures : d'une part, l'une des plus anciennes dates connues pour des fourneaux de réduction du fer au Sénégal, et d’autre part une occupation longue, couvrant près de 800 ans d’activité métallurgique (de 400 avant notre ère à 400 de notre ère). Ces datations au radiocarbone ont été obtenues sur des charbons de bois directement associés aux fourneaux. La conservation exceptionnelle de ce site nous a permis de documenter finement cette technique, d’en suivre les transformations au fil des siècles et de mieux comprendre les choix opérés par les métallurgistes. Comment avez-vous pu déterminer cette ancienne production métallurgique avec précision ? Les principaux témoins de la métallurgie ancienne du fer sont les scories, c’est-à-dire les déchets issus de la transformation du minerai en métal. Lors du processus, ces scories s’écoulent comme une lave en fusion dans le fourneau avant de se solidifier en masses rocheuses. À la fin, elles sont rejetées et s’accumulent progressivement en vastes amas. L’étude de l’amas de scories de Didé West 1 a révélé 35 bases de fourneaux, témoignant d’une activité répétée sur plusieurs dizaines de générations. Certains éléments techniques caractérisent cette tradition, comme des tuyères à perforations multiples (des conduits en argile percés de trous permettant de diffuser l’air dans le four), ainsi que l’utilisation de noix de palmier rônier comme matériau de bourrage au fond du fourneau. Ce dispositif semble avoir facilité la séparation entre le métal et les scories. En croisant ces observations, il a été possible de reconstituer le fonctionnement de cette technique : les métallurgistes utilisaient de petits fourneaux de plan circulaire, dotés d’une cheminée amovible plutôt que permanente. Le minerai de fer était probablement constitué de latérites collectées dans l’environnement immédiat. L’ensemble de ces éléments traduit des savoirs techniques bien maîtrisés. Scories en forme de graines de noix du palmier rônier, disposées au fond du fourneau lors de l’opération de réduction du fer, reflétant un choix culturel unique à cette tradition métallurgique. © David Glauser , Fourni par l'auteur Qui étaient les habitants à l'origine de cette technologie et que nous apprend celle-ci sur leur mode de vie ? L’étude des sociétés africaines aux premiers millénaires avant et après notre ère se heurte à un manque de sources écrites et à la mauvaise conservation des matériaux organiques, qui pourraient nous renseigner sur l’habitat ou l’alimentation. Même les objets en fer sont souvent trop dégradés pour être conservés. Il ne reste bien souvent que des tessons de céramique sur les sites. Il est donc encore difficile d’identifier précisément les populations à l’origine de la technique FAL02, c’est-à-dire de cette tradition technique particulière reconnue grâce aux formes des fourneaux, des tuyères et des scories retrouvées sur les sites. Dans ce contexte, les vestiges sidérurgiques deviennent une source d’information essentielle. Les techniques de production du fer ne sont en effet pas seulement des procédés techniques, elles reflètent des traditions, des choix et des savoir-faire propres à chaque groupe culturel. L’analyse des volumes de scories permet également d’estimer les quantités de fer produites. À Didé West 1, les données indiquent une production modeste et irrégulière, probablement saisonnière. Ces éléments suggèrent une activité destinée à répondre aux besoins locaux, plutôt qu’une production à grande échelle pour l’exportation. Que change cette découverte dans notre compréhension des débuts de la métallurgie en Afrique de l’Ouest ? Les origines de la métallurgie du fer en Afrique de l’Ouest restent débattues. Deux grandes hypothèses s’opposent : celle d’une diffusion depuis le monde hittite en Anatolie (en Turquie actuelle) via le Maghreb ou la vallée du Nil, et celle d’une invention indépendante en Afrique au sud du Sahara. À ce jour, les données disponibles ne permettent pas de trancher définitivement. Cependant, plusieurs foyers anciens de production du fer datés du premier millénaire avant notre ère ont été identifiés en Afrique subsaharienne, comme au Nigeria, au Niger, au Togo ou au Burkina Faso, et maintenant au Sénégal. Ces découvertes tendent à renforcer l’hypothèse d’un développement local. Dans ce cadre, les datations obtenues à Didé West 1, remontant au moins au IVe siècle avant notre ère, en font l’une des plus anciennes techniques sidérurgiques connues au Sénégal. Ce site vient ainsi enrichir un corpus de données encore limité. Il contribue à mieux documenter les débuts de la métallurgie dans la région. Quels nouveaux axes de recherche cette découverte ouvre-t-elle ? Cette étude marque une étape importante, mais plusieurs questions restent ouvertes. Le prochain défi consiste à mieux comprendre les autres techniques de production du fer identifiées dans la vallée de la Falémé, où au moins quatre autres traditions ont déjà été reconnues. Certaines de ces techniques sont contemporaines, révélant un paysage métallurgique complexe, où coexistaient des traditions très différentes. Cette diversité soulève plusieurs questions : quels groupes de métallurgistes en étaient à l’origine ? Comment expliquer leurs transformations ? Pourquoi certaines techniques disparaissent-elles ? Certaines techniques étaient-elles plus efficaces que d’autres ? L’étude de la technique FAL02 sur près de 800 ans montre que ces pratiques évoluent dans le temps, avec des phases de continuité et de transformation. En croisant ces données avec celles issues de l’étude des céramiques et des habitats, il devient possible de mieux comprendre les sociétés qui produisaient ce fer et la manière dont elles ont évolué. Ces vestiges permettent ainsi de dépasser la seule question technique : ils offrent un aperçu des dynamiques de peuplement, des circulations de savoir-faire et des transformations des sociétés sur le temps long, avant même l’émergence des royaumes médiévaux et l’essor du commerce transsaharien. Nous espérons que les recherches à venir pourront répondre à quelques-unes de ces questions. Anne Mayor receives funding from the SNF (Swiss National Fund for Scientific research). She works for University of Geneva. Mélissa Morel receives funding from the SNF (Swiss National Fund for Scientific Research). Ladji Dianifaba does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
11 May 2026
Ahadi ya Mbadi ya kupunguza ushuru wa PAYE yageuka hewa; haiko kwenye Bajeti 2026
WAZIRI wa Fedha, John Mbadi ameghairia nia kuhusu ahadi ya kupunguza ushuru wa mshahara kwa wafanyakazi walioajiriwa wanaolipwa chini ya Sh50,000. Kwenye Mswada wa Fedha wa 2026, hakuna ushuru wa mapato ambao utapunguzwa, hili likiwa pigo kwa mamilioni ya waajiriwa ambao wanakumbwa na ugumu wa maisha baada ya mshahara wao kukatwa sana. Serikali ilikuwa imeahidi kuondoa ushuru kwa Wakenya wanaolipwa mshahara wa hadi Sh30,000 kwa mwezi na kupunguza ushuru kwa mishahara ya chini ya Sh50,000. Wafanyakazi hao wangepunguziwa kati ya Sh731 na Sh2,127. Hazina iliachana na Mswada Spesheli wa Marekebisho ya Ushuru 2026 ambao ungesaidia katika utekelezaji wa makato hayo kwa wafanyakazi. Mswada huo upo bungeni na unatarajiwa kupitishwa kufikia mwisho wa Juni. “Tumeweka mswada huo kando kwa sababu tuna wiki chache tu kabla ya kuwasilishwa kwa Mswada wa Fedha 2026,” Bw Mbadi aliambia Kamati ya Bajeti bungeni Machi 31. Badala yake Hazina Kuu imeongeza ushuru wa kodi ya nyumba, simu, pombe, sigara na kamari ili kupata Sh120 bilioni kwenye Mswada wa Fedha wa 2026. Hii imepanda kutoka Sh30 bilioni ambazo serikali ililenga kwenye Bajeti ya 2025. Hazina Kuu pia inalenga Sh81 bilioni kutoka kwa watu wasiolipa ushuru. Mamlaka ya KRA inatarajiwa kukusanya Sh2.985 trilioni kanzia Julai.
11 May 2026
'Totally unacceptable': Trump slams Iran’s peace proposal as oil prices rocket
Trump has swiftly rejected a peace proposal from Iran, labelled by Tehran as 'generous and...
11 May 2026
Passengers evacuated from Hantavirus-affected cruise ship
Passengers evacuated from the hantavirus‑stricken cruise ship MV Hondius began flying home on military and government aircraft after the vessel anchored in Tenerife, with one American testing positive and a French traveller developing symptoms during their separate repatriation flights on Sunday.
11 May 2026
Why Nairobi Africa-France summit bears the hallmarks of Macron and Ruto priorities
The 2026 Africa-France summit in Nairobi on May 11-12 is the first to be held in an African country that is not a former French colony. It is also the first to be held since the dramatic collapse of relations between France and a number of west African countries – notably Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger. The 2026 summit can be understood as the latest example of President Emmanuel Macron’s new Africa doctrine, which he laid out in Burkina Faso in 2017. The doctrine’s three notable messages were: an apology for colonial wrongs a neoliberal small-business approach to assistance programmes the French resolve to develop new alliances outside French Africa. In keeping with the new doctrine, the French president hesitantly apologised in 2021 for some aspects of French colonial policy in Algeria. These include the torture and assassination of the Algerian nationalist hero Ali Boumendjel . But mostly, Macron has looked to strengthen the position of Paris as old alliances were becoming weaker . Read more: France in Africa: why Macron’s policies increased distrust and anger He has consciously invested time and effort beyond French west Africa. The official visit to Guinea-Bissau , a former Portuguese colony, is a case in point. Right after his election in 2017, France’s development aid agency (AFD) and the Tony Elumelu Foundation signed an agreement in Nigeria to empower a new generation of business leaders. Tony Elumelu Foundation is a Lagos-based non-profit that promotes youth entrepreneurship across Africa. Macron then promoted entrepreneurship during the New France-Africa Summit in 2021. He sought to inspire the youth of Africa to innovate and set up businesses. This year’s conference is held under the banner : “Africa Forward: Partnerships between Africa and France for innovation and growth”. The business start-up vibe is no coincidence. Kenya has also stressed the groundbreaking nature of the meeting for its focus on Africa as a major partner for Europe. Europe is looking for new allies in the midst of a war in Ukraine; and the US is unreliable, with Donald Trump imposing tariffs and questioning the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation. As a historian of global north-global south relations , I see the meeting less as groundbreaking, and more as a continuation of an older, mutually beneficial relationship between Kenya and France. Kenya hopes its relationship with France will elevate its influence across Africa, allowing it to rival the diplomatic weight of South Africa, which hosted the G20 summit in November 2025. By transcending the classic divide between French and British Africa, Nairobi can present itself as a continental leader and as a diplomacy city. History of the relationship between France and Kenya The economic and diplomatic relationship goes back to the 1960s and 1970s . Back in September 1970 France sent a little-known legal expert called Jaques Mollet to advise the Kenyan Ministry of Industry and Commerce on the newly-formed East African Community. France also sought cooperation with institutions of the East African Community such as the East African Development Bank. By becoming a close partner of a newly established regional economic bloc in Africa, in which Nairobi played a pivotal role, the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs sought to weaken the British influence of Africa while strengthening its own position within the European Economic Community, now the EU. Paris somewhat cynically justified its meddling as a way to strengthen continental unity since a French and a British sphere of influence in Africa would lead to unnecessary internal competition between the Commonwealth countries in Africa and Françafrique. Kenya sought to strengthen its trade relations with France and the EEC in the 1960s. This was partly an attempt to become more independent of the Commonwealth. When negotiating with the EEC in 1963, an east African delegation that included Kenya’s Minister of Labour Tom Mboya stressed that maintaining the East African Common Market was key – not the Commonwealth. Ruto and Macron’s shared understanding The similarities between Kenya’s President William Ruto and Macron further strengthen this historical bond between Kenya and France. They share the same diplomatic goals. They are both focusing on climate change funding and security, and they share a preference for neoliberal privatisation as a mode for governance at home and abroad. Ruto’s election campaign in 2022 touted the “ hustler nation ” – a focus on enabling small businesses. Macron has acted as a businessman-diplomat abroad, pushing small businesses as a solution for underdevelopment. It’s no accident therefore that the 2026 summit will host a business forum and talks will focus on the potential benefits of artificial intelligence. AI, climate initiatives and weapons manufacturing, as well as the small-business ventures that have emerged through these priorities, are areas of cooperation and investment between African countries and the former colonial powers. Politicians like to flaunt this. Part of the reason is that these are yet unproven ventures with no long history of unequal exchange between the two sides. They are natural common ground for two sides seeking a renewed relationship that is less burdened by the dark history of colonial oppression. Yet France and Kenya’s agreement about the need to address security, climate change and artificial intelligence obscures the fact that both countries often find themselves on opposing sides of these issues. As the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022 has shown, African and European leaders do not necessarily share the same analysis of the global security situation. European countries assumed they would get complete support from African countries but only 28 out of 54 African countries voted in favour of a United Nations resolution that condemned the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Kenya abstained. On issues like climate change and artificial intelligence, France and Kenya again agree on the broad principle that these issues require urgent action, but disagree on the form the action should take. For instance, climate change has hit Kenya hard. Extended droughts require genuine climate action. At the same time, France and the EU have been talking about loosening climate regulations to address the energy crisis caused by the US war on Iran. This includes easing emission regulations for cars. The same problem presents itself in relation to the AI economy, which is being championed by France. It is cheap labourers in Kenya that have been doing much of the legwork to keep AI applications going. Large language models and other applications need to be trained and monitored by humans and they are often trained in Kenya’s so-called “ AI sweat shops ”. Kenyans are doing much of the data labelling and content moderation AI work . Long term relationship? In essence, the summit illustrates how climate finance, security and AI are being used to bolster commercial interests in both Africa and France, a strategic attempt to redefine a relationship long shadowed by colonialism. However, the future of this entrepreneur-led approach remains uncertain. Its success hinges on whether France and Kenya can ensure that the wealth generated by these emerging sectors is distributed broadly, or if it will merely enrich a small circle of tech elites. Frank Gerits does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
11 May 2026
Serikali yalaumiwa kupuuza hali halisia ya kiuchumi kwa kurejesha e-Citizen kwa ulipaji karo
KUMEZUKA malalamiko mapya kufuatia uamuzi wa Rais William Ruto wa kufufua mpango wa malipo ya karo za shule kupitia mfumo wa e-Citizen, wakosoaji wakilaumu serikali kwa kupuuza hali halisi inayowakumba wazazi na shule nchini. Wanaopinga mpango huo wamesema msimamo wa Rais wa kusisitiza utekelezaji wake unajiri licha ya upinzani kutoka kwa walimu wakuu, wazazi na mashirika ya elimu, pamoja na kesi inayoendelea katika Mahakama ya Rufaa kufuatia uamuzi wa Mahakama Kuu uliozima utekelezaji wa sera hiyo mwaka jana. Akitetea agizo hilo Alhamisi, Rais Ruto alisema malipo ya kidijitali yataongeza uwazi na kupunguza mianya ya kupotea kwa fedha kwa njia ya pesa taslimu. “Leo, mzazi anapaswa kulipa karo akiwa nyumbani kupitia e-Citizen, ambapo tunaweza kuthibitisha taarifa hizo. Nimeamua kimkakati kwamba, hatutaki tena kushughulika na fedha taslimu katika utawala huu kwa sababu pesa taslimu ni ngumu kufuatilia,” alisema katika mkutano wa pili wa elimu uliofanyika Naivasha. Hata hivyo, wataalamu wa elimu na walimu wakuu wamesema hali halisi shuleni inafanya mpango huo kuwa mgumu kutekelezeka, kwa kuwa karo hulipwa kwa nyakati tofauti ilhali shule zinahitaji fedha za matumizi ya kila siku. Mshauri wa sera katika shirika la Elimu Bora Working Group, Boaz Waruku, alisema shinikizo za serikali zinaonyesha kutojali changamoto za wananchi. Alisema wazazi wa maeneo ya mashambani mara nyingi hulipa karo kwa njia mbadala kama kuni, chakula au kazi za mikono ili watoto wao waendelee kusoma licha ya ugumu wa kifedha. “Mfumo wa e-Citizen unaweza kuwabana wazazi wanaolipa kwa njia ya mazao, kazi au makubaliano mengine na shule. Hali hii inaweza kuwafanya watoto kukosa elimu,” alisema.
11 May 2026
Taharuki juhudi za kufuta wilaya za watu weusi Amerika zikianza
TAHARUKI kuhusu uchaguzi imegubika jimbo la Louisiana kutokana na uamuzi uliotolewa wiki iliyopita na Mahakama ya Upeo uliobuni kipengee muhimu cha sheria kuhusu haki za umma. Uamuzi huo uliwapa wabunge wa Republicans fursa ya kuchora ramani mpya inayofuta wilaya moja au mbili za Democratic katika jimbo hilo zenye idadi kubwa ya watu weusi. Wapigakura wenye ngozi ya rangi nyeusi wanajumuisha thuluthi moja ya wapigakura jimboni Louisiana na kwa kawaida huunga mkono chama cha Democratic. Republicans tayari inadhibiti wilaya nyingine nne. Siku moja baada ya uamuzi wa Korti ya Upeo, Gavana Jeff Landry aliahirisha chaguzi za vyama kuhusu ubunge nchini zilizopangiwa kufanyika Mei 16, hata ingawa maelfu ya madebe ya kura yalikuwa yamewasilishwa. Wapigakura waliowasili sehemu za upigaji kura mapema wiki hii walikumbana na ilani zilizobandikwa kwenye milango zikitangaza kuwa chaguzi za ubunge zimefutiliwa mbali, huku vinyang’anyiro vingine vikiendelea. Bado haijabainika kitakachofanyika kwa kura zilizokwisha kupigwa na ni lini chaguzi za vyama zitaratibiwa upya. Maswali kuhusu mchakato huo yangesuluhishwa na katibu wa jimbo Louisiana, mwenyekiti wa kamati ya Republican, Caleb Kleinpeter alieleza wanahabari baada ya kusikizwa kwa kesi hiyo. “Ukweli wa suala hili ni kuwa Mahakama ya Upeo ilikuja na ikasema ramani hizo ni kinyume cha katiba,” alisema. Kwa hivyo “tunasonga mbele na uchoraji wa ramani mpya”. Akiwa mtoto, Leona Tate alikuwa moja kati ya wanafunzi weusi wa kwanza almaarufu “Wanne wa New Orleans” kujumuika katika shule ya umma mashinani Kusini, wakistahimili ubaguzi wa rangi na vitisho vya kuuawa, Jeshi la Nchi lilipowasindikiza darasani. Ijumaa, zaidi ya miongo sita baadaye, Tate aliwaeleza wabunge wa Republican kwamba pendekezo lao la kuvunjilia mbali wilaya moja au zaidi zenye idadi kubwa ya watu weusi lilifufua kumbukumbu hizo za kutisha. “Nataka mwelewe inavyohisi kusimama hapa, kutembea katikati ya halaiki ya watu kama mtoto, na sasa kuwatazama maafisa waliochaguliwa wakifanya jambo lile lile umma ulijaribu kufanya – tofauti tu ikiwa suti bora na mchakato wa bunge,” alieleza kikao cha kamati ya seneti katika jiji kuu la Baton Rouge. Kwa zaidi ya saa nane, wabunge weusi wa Congress, mapasta, wanaharakati na wapigakura walitoa ushahidi ambao wakati mwingine ulivutia hisia za hasira na za kisiri. Nje ya chumba cha kusikiza kesi, umati uliwashangilia kuendelea. “Acha azungumze!” Waliimba wakati mmoja baada ya Kleinpeter kuzima kipaaza sauti cha mbunge mwenzake wa Democratic katikati ya majibizano makali. Mike McClanahan, rais wa shirika kubwa zaidi la kutetea haki za kibinadamu nchini kwa jina NAACP, Louisiana, alizuiwa kimabavu kuingia chumba hicho na ulinzi wa seneti. Louisiana ndiyo ya hivi majuzi kwenye mzozo kitaifa unaohusu mchakato wa kuunda upya wilaya ulioanzia Texas mwaka jana na kushika kasi wiki hii kote Kusini ikiwemo Tennessee, Alabama na South Carolina, ambapo wana Republicans walijibu maamuzi ya korti ya upeo kwa kuanzisha juhudi sawia za kuangamiza wilaya zinazosheheni idadi kubwa ya weusi. Wanademocrats wameanzisha juhudi zao binafsi za kuunda upya wilaya, lakini azma yao ilipata pigo kuu Ijumaa wakati Mahakama ya Upeo Virginia ilipotupilia mbali ramani mpya iliyopitishwa na wapigakura ambayo huenda ingebadilisha viti vinne vya Republican. Kilichokuwa kinyang’anyiro chenye usawa cha kuchora upya ramani za bunge sasa kimegeuka kwa kishindo kuegemea Republican kabla ya uchaguzi wa katikati ya muhula November, ambapo itatetea idadi iliyobanwa ya waliowengi bungeni.
11 May 2026
Africa Forward Summit: France seeks fresh start with Africa
French President Emmanuel Macron kicked off a visit to Kenya on Sunday ahead of the Africa Forward Summit, a gathering meant to showcase France’s new policy for the continent — a shift from a former colonial power seen as dominating to what Paris describes as a partnership of equals.
11 May 2026
South Africa: The DBE Textbook Story That South Africa Isn't Being Told
[Daily Maverick] A once-in-14-years opportunity to put better books in South African classrooms. Daily Maverick investigated what happened when a group of educators tried to seize it -- and who is driving the narrative against them.
11 May 2026